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A article by Amadeo Bordiga on the role which Germany played in the two world wars and which the author expected it to play in a future communist. Writings of Amadeo Bordiga on this server (Italian, French, German, English, Spanish, Russian). [] [] [] [] [] [] [] [] [] . Media in category “Amadeo Bordiga”. The following 4 files are in this category, out of 4 total. Amadeo 1, × 1,; KB.

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What follows qmadeo, as far as I know, the first translation into English of the lengthy written interview that Amadeo Bordiga gave to journalist Edek Osser inshortly before his death.

File:Amadeo Bordiga.jpg

He attended his last meeting of the Executive Committee of the Comintern inthe same year in which he confronted Soviet Union leader Joseph Stalin face-to-face.

The aims of this meeting were somewhat murky. He worked as an engineer in Naples untilwhen fascism fell. I also covered this topic during the plenary assembly, advancing bordigga most drastic and radical solutions against the wishes of the other Italians and of the right.

The debate on the issue of parliamentarism was opened by Bukharin, who explained the beginnings of his thesis, while I spoke in opposition to taking part in elections.

These ties would return not in larval but rather pathological form, as an alliance that borriga followers and militant themselves could not have understood. The role of the party in the period of ebb was to preserve the program and to carry on the propaganda work possible until the next turn of the tide, not to dilute it while chasing ephemeral popularity.

Following his release, Bordiga did not resume his activities in the PCI and was in fact expelled in Marchaccused of having “supported, defended and endorsed the positions of the Trotskyist opposition” and been organisationally disruptive. Bordiga resolutely opposed the Comintern’s turn to the right in However, he did contribute anonymously to its press, primarily Battaglia Comunista and Prometeoin amadep with his conviction that revolutionary work was collective in nature and his opposition to any form of even incipient personality cult.

Bordiga joined the ICP amzdeo Spanning from tothis collection features every topic from the nature of the USSR, the role of the communist party, and the dictatorship of the proletariat. The Communist Party ran its own, clandestine military organization since When you subscribe to a class movement or to the theory of it magnificently developed by Karl Marx, the classes that clash against one another nowadays, the capitalist amade and the salaried proletariat should not be reduced or represented — in order to reproduce their dynamics and antagonism — as concrete categories, but rather as abstract concepts, referring to experimental social facts.


About Amadeo Bordiga | People and Nature

Many were also translated into French and published in the French journal Invariancefounded by Jacques Camatte, a former member of the International Communist Party, in Sign in with Facebook Sign in options. Leader of the Communist Party of Italy — Foremost among those theses was the conquest of political power not through the bourgeois democratic structures, but through the advent of the revolutionary dictatorship of the proletariat and of its Marxist class party.

I still think that there were serious drawbacks in the direction dictated by Moscow, which had little revolutionary value in the Stalin era, after the death of Lenin in January What would have led to stasis was precisely forming coalitions with other parties, including those with whom we had broken our physiological ties in the field of organisation.

While in the Comintern he had stood up to Stalin on these grounds, demanding that all the parties represent their boreiga equally as long as the debate was within the Comintern. By using this site, you agree to the Terms of Use and Privacy Bordiiga.

The Fascist movement was certainly not oriented against one of these two poles, but aimed to block the offensive of the revolutionary proletariat, fighting for the conservation of all social forms of the private economy.

This historical formula, bordifa I have always regarded as arrant nonsense, was articulated in this rather inelegant phrase: It is significant that there is no available written material produced by Bordiga from this period, apart from correspondence with individuals.

I did in fact harbour the reservations stated in your question, and articulated in the quotation from Victor Serge. There also existed, in various Italian cities, Party weeklies under the strict control of the Central Executive.

Every member who turned out not to have voted either for the line of the Executive or the Left the latter of which had been clearly formulated in articles and resolutions in the Amadel organ, Stato Operaiothroughoutalthough by my initiative we had dissolved the Entente Committee, which was formed by a group of well-known leaders of the Left current, and immediately charged by the Executive with the unjust accusation of attempting to fracture and split the party — all those members, I say, who did not formulate any opinion or decision, should not have been included in the vote for the congress, but were added instead, by express deliberation of the Executive, as having voted in support of its borduga conduct and programme.


Bordiga opposed the idea of revolutionary theory being the product of a democratic process of pluralist views, believing that the Marxist perspective has the merit of underscoring the fact that communism, like all social formations, is above all about the expression of programmatic content. Dialogue with Bordiga — Jacques Camatte. Gramsci and I, together, believed that this contradiction could only be resolved by separating the old militants into two distinct organised movements.

For Bordiga, program was everything, a gate-receipt notion of numbers was nothing. Even earlier, when I was offered the vice-presidency, I knew that it would have become the hot battle ground of the desperate struggle to prevent the fall of the Communist International of Moscow into the abyss of a new — and worse — kind of opportunism, which my current and I foresaw.

The new International arose declaredly centralist and anti-democratic, but the historical praxis of the entrance into it of the sections federated in the failed International was particularly difficult, and made in too much of a hurry by the expectation that the transition, from the seizure of power in Russia to that maadeo other European countries, would be immediate. This, according to Lenin, was the cause of the eventual failure of that revolution.

By absorbing all of the energy and dynamics of the Party, this activity leads to neglecting other, far more vital forms of action for a class-based political party, including the open and — if necessary — violent struggle against the legal and illegal forces that defend the capitalist order.

The text bofdiga the interview was originally published in Storia Contemporanea no.

This synthetic clarification of the doctrinal question must also be quickly related to the historical transitions lying behind us.


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